‘CAPITAL IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY’ by Thomas Piketty is
aimed at understanding the historical dynamics of wealth and income. Do the
dynamics of private capital accumulation
inevitably lead to
the concentration of
wealth in ever fewer
hands, as Karl
Marx believed in the
nineteenth century? Or do the balancing forces of growth,
competition, and technological
progress lead in later stages of development to reduced inequality and greater
harmony among the classes, as Simon Kuznets thought in the twentieth century?
What do we really know about how wealth and income have evolved since the
eighteenth century, and what lessons can we derive from that knowledge for the
century now under way?
When the rate of return on capital exceeds the rate of growth
of output and income, as it did in the nineteenth century and seems quite
likely to do again in the
twenty-first, capitalism automatically
generates arbitrary and
unsustainable inequalities that radically undermine
the meritocratic values
on which democratic societies are
based. The book begins with a quick historical overview of previous thinking
about the issues of wealth and inequality. Altogether it consists of sixteen
chapters divided into four parts.
Part One, titled “Income and Capital,” contains two chapters
and introduces basic ideas that are used repeatedly in the remainder of the
book. Specifically, Chapter 1 presents the concepts of national income,
capital, and the capital/income ratio and then describes in rather broad terms how the global distribution of income and output has evolved, giving due
credence to inequality of capital and labor as an issue that arouses strong
emotions.. Chapter 2 gives a more detailed analysis of how the growth rates of population
and output have evolved since the Industrial Revolution. For example, how growth
always should include a purely demographic component and a purely economic
component, and only the latter results in an improvement in the standard of living.
The purpose of Part Two, titled “The Dynamics of the
Capital/Income Ratio,” which consists of four chapters, is to examine the
prospects for the long-run evolution of the capital/income ratio and the global
division of national income between labor and capital in the twenty-first
century. Chapter 3 looks at the metamorphoses of capital since the eighteenth
century, starting with the British and French cases, about which we possess the
most data over the long run. Chapter 4 introduces the German and US cases.
Chapters 5 and 6 extend the geographical range of the analysis to the entire
planet, insofar as the sources allow, and seek to draw the lessons from all of
these historical experiences that can enable us to anticipate the possible
evolution of the capital/income ratio and the relative shares of capital and
labor in the decades to come. The first two parts of this book focus on the
respective shares of global income going to labor and capital and
on how those
shares have changed
since the eighteenth
century.
Part Three, titled “The Structure of Inequality,” consists of
six chapters. Chapter 7 familiarizes the reader with the orders of magnitude of
inequality attained in practice by the distribution of income from labor on the
one hand and of capital ownership and income from capital on the other. Chapter
8 then analyzes the historical dynamics of these inequalities, starting with a
comparison of France and the United States. Chapters 9 and
10 extend the
analysis to all
the countries for
which we have historical data
(in the WTID), looking
separately at inequalities
related to labor
and capital, respectively.
Chapter 11 studies
the changing importance
of inherited wealth
over the long
run. Finally, Chapter 12 looks
at the prospects
for the global
distribution of wealth
over the first
few decades of the twenty-first century.
The purpose of Part Four titled “Regulating Capital in the
Twenty-First Century” and consisting of four chapters, is to draw normative and
policy lessons from the previous three parts, whose purpose is primarily to
establish the facts and understand the reasons for the observed changes.
Chapter 13 examines what a “social state” suited to present conditions might
look like. Chapter 14 proposes a rethinking
of the progressive
income tax based
on past experience
and recent trends. Chapter 15 describes what a progressive tax on
capital adapted to twenty-first century conditions might look like and compares
this idealized tool
to other types
of regulation that might
emerge from the
political process, ranging from a wealth tax in Europe to capital
controls in China, immigration reform in the United States,
and revival of
protectionism in many countries. Chapter 16 deals with the pressing
question of public debt and the related issue of the optimal accumulation of
public capital at a time when natural capital may be deteriorating.
In conclusion, the author mentions of the increasing gap
between the rate of return of capital and the rate of growth of income, where
the returns from capital showing a steady increase. As this portends to dangers
of the Middle Ages societies, there is an urgent need to modernize the social
and fiscal policies. This can develop new forms of governance and shared ownership
intermediate between public and private ownership, which is one of the major
challenges for the century ahead. And this will call for a political
integration that can lead to effective regulation of the globalized patrimonial
capitalism of the twenty-first century.
Is another Middle Ages in the offing? The proliferation of
the irrational in many other areas of life is a strong indication that this is
a possibility. This book confirms it through the science of economics.
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